ShareThisPresident-elect Obama seemed at first to have used a Rubik's Cube to match up the three Hispanics he named to his Cabinet with the three portfolios they will carry in his administration.
New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson at Commerce, U.S. Senator Ken Salazar from Colorado at Interior, and U.S. Rep. Hilda Solis of California at Labor were not the anticipated spot-on favorites for their appointed roles. Now, however, each one does seem appropriate and well matched.
In general, this speaks well of the shadow workings of organizing groups and individuals who operate behind the scenes to put the right names in front of the right people at the right moment. Exactly how this happened will remain a mystery confused by 1,000 rumors and constant gossip.
Often mentioned as players are Federico Pena, the ex-Denver mayor who served as Bill Clinton's Secretary of Transportation and, later, Energy, and Obama's national Hispanic fund-raiser Frank Sanchez of Florida.
Just as in a royal court, much is made about who is and is not part of the inner-inner circle. Depending on which court noble or jester one talks to, these two are considered close and capable of getting things done within a very small circle. In some ways, they may be overqualified to take on a government job.
Pena, a man of demonstrated broad vision, ended any talk that he might replace Salazar as Colorado's U.S. senator with a public statement expressing his disinterest. He's best considered as a maestro, a conductor, of the government that is forming.
The Hispanic leadership is getting its act down pat now that its community of interests stretches nationally. It must no longer be perceived only in regional or big-city terms.
The vastly diverse organizations, groups and influentials that shared their political differences out in public in the past have closed ranks in national consensus. Not as much Latino laundry is hung out for everybody to see.
The maturing leadership has been through drills like this during seven prior presidencies over three decades. Divide-and-conquer ploys don't play. What dismissiveness happened in the past cannot occur so easily now for two very good reasons.
First, the newfound political leverage is earned credit. More than two-thirds of the Hispanic presidential vote went to Obama. This statement was followed up by intensive liaison with Obama's team by such groups as the National Hispanic Leadership Agenda, made up of the 26 major organizations led by Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund president John Trasvina.
Much of this speaks favorably to direct networking, organization-to-organization, in a new kind of public-interest effort that should make the old guard perk up and take notice about the encroaching Hispanic political tableaus.
As the post-election morning mist lifts after Jan. 20, Latinos will understand even better their role in the larger national context. In turn, new respect is accorded Latino concerns. One growing belief, which might come as a surprise even to many Latino activists, is just how highly community leaders are regarded for appearing to be downright unified in pressing for an inclusive national agenda.
"Unlike black folks, the Hispanic community is clearly on a post-election political mission," writes A. Bruce Crawley in his blog The Black Issue. He continues, "Even when...New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson was announced as Obama's pick for Commerce Secretary, there was carefully orchestrated rumbling from parts of (the) national Hispanic leadership to remind the president-elect that Richardson should have gotten a juicier position and that their community is still not satisfied."
There's truth in that. Expectations are such that the three appointees to the Cabinet will perform like the Three Tenors -- each one meritorious and distinct but splendiferous together in the opera of public-policy reform.
(Jose de la Isla writes weekly commentaries for Hispanic Link News Service. Email him at joseisla3@yahoo.com.)
(Distributed by Scripps Howard News Service, http://www.scrippsnews.com)
