ShareThisPresident Obama's just-concluded trip to East Asia did not result in major accords but was noteworthy nonetheless, for reasons somewhat overlooked.
Highlighting economic frictions neglects underlying mutual interests, which are substantial. Emphasis on China and Japan short changes South Korea, our closest Asia security ally. Finally, the Pacific region is now strongly committed to formal cooperative institutions long-established in Europe but not nearly so rooted in Asia.
Obama favors very personal references, at times demonstrating a tin ear for history. He describes himself as the "first Pacific President" of the U.S., referring to birth in Hawaii and education for a time in Indonesia.
Pres. Millard Fillmore opened Japan to the outside world in 1854 with a letter of friendship. Commodore Matthew Perry delivered the missive, accompanied by a very heavily armed naval flotilla. Fillmore, not a great president, could be labeled "first" in Pacific terms.
Pres. Theodore Roosevelt has the greatest claim to be our first Pacific commander in chief. He won the Nobel Peace Prize for the enormous accomplishment of ending the Russo-Japanese War in 1905. At the time, Roosevelt declared that as the 20th century unfolded Asia would become in some respects more important than Europe for the United States. In this realm, as in others, history has vindicated TR.
Pres. Dwight D. Eisenhower, who was educated in the Philippines in useful if unpleasant ways as aide to imperious Gen. Douglas MacArthur, used his far-seeing Farewell Address to warn of the growing "military-industrial complex." He mentioned four very large armed conflicts of the 20th century -- the two World Wars and the Korean War along with the Russo-Japanese War. Three of the four were fought in Asia.
The 21st century is relatively more peaceful and promising - so far - permitting government leaders to focus more on economic concerns and less on armed conflict. Obama attended the APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation) summit in Singapore, a meeting that strengthened this regional organization as a principal partner of the G20 in global economic stabilization.
Both China and Japan have enormous economies that are still considerably smaller than the U.S., and pretty predictable partners. Scare stories about China "owning" the U.S. distort a reality in which both national economies are increasingly integrated and mutually dependent. Much of China's trade surplus is earned by American and European multinational corporations, whose employees and stockholders as well as customers in turn benefit.
A quarter century ago, the same scare stories featured Japan, but for two decades that country has been mired in severe recession punctuated by sporadic, fitful growth. No one argues today that Japan is about to replace the U.S.
South Korea is both very close military ally and economic friction source. The recent Bush administration achieved an historic free trade agreement with Seoul, but opposition from U.S. auto makers and unions stymied Congressional ratification. Future bilateral talks would include Seoul's special Kaesong industrial area in North Korea. Obama to his credit has given public priority to getting the agreement approved.
Pres. Truman in 1950 supported UN defense of South Korea. That nation returned the favor by providing enormously effective combat troops to support the U.S. in the Vietnam War. Military cooperation remains close.
Pres. Obama generated a lot of headlines in Asia, and no doubt goodwill. At some point, he must achieve concrete progress as well.
Arthur I. Cyr is Clausen Distinguished Professor at Carthage College and author of 'After the Cold War'(NYU Press and Macmillan/Palgrave). E-mail him at acyr(at)carthage.edu
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