Backroads to the White House with M.E. Sprengelmeyer

Today we conclude the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series with a notable but little known character of the 2004 Democratic National Convention offering advice for Sen. Barack Obama.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 10 of 10
Seamus Ahern, Boston 2000

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Jackson interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 2000 chapter.

* * *

When historians look back, what will they remember about the 2004 Democratic National Convention?

It might not be John Kerry, the Vietnam War veteran who marched to the stage and told the nation he was "reporting for duty."

It might be a little-known, Illinois legislator who exploded onto the national scene that week with a stirring keynote address.

Barack Obama introduced himself to the country as "a skinny kid with a funny name who believes that America has a place for him, too."

This was the original "audacity of hope" speech.

And it's a reminder of how it's important to watch the "no-name" participants at these big party gatherings to get clues about the next generation of leaders.

So as we close this "Unconventional Wisdom" series, we decided to look at another nobody, another "skinny kid with a funny name" who emerged from that convention as an important footnote in Sen. Obama's political rise.

Seamus Ahern wasn't in Boston on the night of that convention.

He was at a Marine base in California, just days away from being deployed to Iraq.

But when Obama invoked his name in that now-famous speech, it set off a chain of events that changed the course of the young man's life.

In coming months, as Ahern was in Iraq - facing mostly playful ribbing from superior officers for collaboration with "this liberal" - he and the newly-elected U.S. Senator became e-mail pen pals.

Long before Obama made his first visit to the war zone, and long before rival Sen. John McCain started questioning where Obama was getting his information about the war, he turned to the young Marine, Ahern, as his eyes and ears on the battlefield.

It's an interesting tale, and one we hope you'll agree provides some "Unconventional Wisdom."

Thank you for following the series, and I'd welcome your feedback.

And now, let the convention begin.

-- M.E. Sprengelmeyer
SprengelmeyerM@SHNS.com

Today we present chapter nine of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 9 of 10
Ralph Nader, Los Angeles 1996

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Jackson interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 2000 chapter.

* * *

Call him the uninvited.

Democrats didn't exactly welcome Ralph Nader to the 2000 Democratic National Convention.

His third-party presidential bid had gained some attention before Al Gore took the stage in Los Angeles. Polls suggested Nader had pockets of support that could take away from the Democratic coalition.

Still, as The Associated Press reported at the time: "Gore advisers say Nader's appeal will dim as the election draws closer." And besides, Pat Buchanan's bid was supposed to hurt Republican George

So it would be a wash. Right?

The rest is history. Bush beat Gore. It was so close, especially in Florida, that the political analysts rushed to anoint Nader as the ultimate spoiler.

"Score one for the Raider," Newsweek's headline said, alluding to the Green Party candidate's past leading "Nader's Raiders" on Capitol Hill.

To this day, the debate goes on.

And it is worth considering whether there's anything Democrats could have said or done at the 2000 convention (or beyond) that would have blunted any Nader effect on the November outcome.

Nader rejects the blame for Bush's victory and all the history that has unfolded as a result. But he can't get very far into an interview before arguing about his own legacy - whether it was to clear the way for a Republican victory or to show Democrats a path to pull their party back to its progressive roots.

Making yet another run for president in 2008, Nader might seem like an odd choice to offer advice to Sen. Barack Obama. But we wanted to ask him how he might advise Democrats to use their national conventions to make dissident movements like his less relevant.

We had no idea that such questions would lead to national headlines earlier this summer. But when we asked a follow-up question about whether Sen. Obama was any different than other Democrats he had criticized, he launched into controversial comments about Obama's race that we couldn't keep buried in our notebooks for long.

With this story and the related transcript, you can get a better idea of the full conversation that sparked a 48-hour media firestorm.

Today we present chapter eight of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 8 of 10
Jesse Jackson, Chicago 1996

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Jackson interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1996 chapter.

* * *

Oh, now we get it.

It took two weeks - and a few seconds of unguarded audio clips - for us to really understand our interview with the Rev. Jesse Jackson.

Our team traveled to Chicago in mid-June and met with Jackson at the Rainbow/P.U.S.H. Coalition headquarters, just a few blocks away from the home of Sen. Barack Obama.

We could have talked to him about his groundbreaking run for president in 1984, his advances in 1988 - when he, for a few brief moments, was the front-runner for the nomination. We could have talked to him about 1996, when Democrats brought their convention back to Chicago to erase the bad memories of 1968. Jackson played a softer-spoken role at that convention, when he mostly set aside his anger over President Clinton's welfare reform bill and backed the "imperfect" president for the sake of fighting another day.

But over the past 40 years, since he was alongside Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on a fateful day in Memphis, Jackson's role transcends any one convention. So we wanted to talk about what Obama's nomination means to him, to the party, to the country, to race relations and so much more.

He was generous with his time, offering what at the time seemed like nothing but kind words for the younger man who had exceeded his own place in the history of presidential politics - and in prominence right there on Chicago's south side, too.

But within days, just as I was sifting through my notes and trying to put the Jackson story in order, there was a bulletin on one of the cable news channels.

FoxNews had caught the Rev. Jackson on a live microphone, during a break from another interview taping, whispering to a fellow guest that he thought Obama was talking down to black folks. In fact, Jackson whispered, he wanted to cut off a part of Obama's male anatomy.

To pundits, it showed jealousy, resentment, a generational rivalry - things Jackson denied even as his own son, Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr., joined a chorus of blistering criticism.

To me, Jackson's unguarded quips served as a sort of decoder device to help me understand our own interview much better.

I highly recommend reading the full transcript of our Jesse Jackson interview HERE.

The word "nuts" does not appear even once. But now, keeping his slip-up in mind, it's easier to read between the lines.

When Jackson tells the history of the civil rights movement, from 1954 to the present, he seems to be hinting that someone has not acknowledged what the earlier generations had to suffer on the way to the "mountaintop."

When he praises Obama's winning strategy, winning large proportions of delegates even in states that he lost, he includes reminders about who helped establish those proportional representation rules.

When he praises Obama's ability to turn out large numbers of young people, he makes sure we know who helped change the laws to allow younger people to vote - and let college students vote where they were studying, like, say, Iowa.

When he talks about Obama and rival Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton taking their groundbreaking candidacies from coast-to-coast, he makes sure we remember that this isn't the same country as it was in his day.

"So, when I saw Hillary and Barack campaigning in Mississippi, the state where Emmett Till was lynched, the state where (Michael) Schwerner, (Andrew) Goodman and (James) Chaney were killed, the state where Medgar Evers was killed, where (James) Meredith went to school with the National Guard, and in that state saw whites voting for a black to be president, and saw men voting for a woman to be president, Barack and Hillary are now the conduits through which a new and better and more mature America is expressing itself. They are not the causes of this."

His perspective is easier to understand after the "nuts" comment, because now we can read between the lines.

Today we present chapter seven of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 7 of 10
Jerry Brown, New York 1988

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Brown interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1992 chapter.

* * *

One of the more surprising challenges of the "Unconventional Wisdom" series was getting the fast-moving Jerry Brown to sit still long enough to talk to us about the 1992 Democratic National Convention.

He's a man in motion, a human electron.

And we wanted to ask why it took the unseemly spectacle of his supporters chanting "Let Jerry speak! Let Jerry speak!" for him to be given even a few minutes at the podium following his runner-up primary campaign in 1992.

Some people mistakenly think Jerry Brown retired to the "Where Are They Now?" file after that, his third run for president -- or perhaps after his stint as Oakland's colorful mayor.

But his famously eclectic resume now includes his current job as Attorney General of California. And when we caught up with him this spring he was in the middle of a buzz-storm over his flirtation with another possible run for Governor in 2010.

Yes, that's right. Brown might try to become both the once and future "Governor Moonbeam."

So when we caught up with him in the lobby of the Beverly Hilton in Beverly Hills, Calif., he kept getting pulled away, this way and that, by others who also wanted to let Jerry speak - to them.

We finally dragged him into a makeshift studio for a rapid-fire interview. He had so little time that I tossed out all my carefully written questions.

"What's this about?" he asked.

"Let Jerry speak," I said. "We want to hear about 'Let Jerry speak.'"

"Got it," he said. "Go."

And then, much to my surprise, this very distracted, veteran politician and activist, focused like a laser beam - or maybe it was like a moon beam.

He started talking - quite rapidly - about the events of 1992. He anticipated every one of the follow-up questions that had been on my discarded list of pre-scripted questions. I jumped in a few times. But mostly we just watched him vamp.

Although Jerry Brown was the only one of our interview subjects who didn't sit still for a full hour - it was more like six minutes - it turned out to be one of the more focused, on-point interviews we conducted.

And when the video camera stopped, he bolted out of his chair, slowed only long enough for photographer Chris Schneider to fire off a few frames, and then he was gone - down a hallway, up the stairs, and back to the lobby where everyone, it seems, wanted to let Jerry speak.

Today we present chapter six of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 6 of 10
Michael Dukakis, Atlanta 1988

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Dukakis interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1988 chapter.

* * *

Imagine the scene: Michael Dukakis, circa 2008, impersonating comedian Jon Lovitz impersonating Michael Dukakis, circa 1988.

"'How could I be losing to this guy?'"

Funny stuff (even if the line Lovitz delivered on Saturday Night Live was slightly different: "I can't believe I'm losing to this guy...").

That was supposed to be Democrats' year.

The Great Communicator, President Ronald Reagan, was leaving office in 1988. Republicans nominated the slightly less exciting George H.W. Bush, a milquetoast wonk once dismissed by conservative columnist George Will as a "lap dog."

And then Bush tapped the lightly-regarded Dan Quayle -- "no Jack Kennedy" -- as his running mate.

So finally, Democrats were supposed to have a chance. But no.

As Dukakis sat down to chat at his daughter's home near the Cherry Creek area of Denver, he made it clear that he had only himself to blame for yet another drubbing - one of seven the Democrats suffered in the ten elections between 1968 and 2004.

The convention in Atlanta had gone great, Dukakis said. But he seemed to forget the most important part of a convention: the morning after, and the hand-to-hand combat that begins immediately afterwards.

Dukakis said that after the convention, he tried to stay the course on the upbeat strategy that had won him the nomination. He was slow, very slow, to respond to a constant barrage of Republican attacks. And by the time he got feisty, it was too late.

He learned his lesson. And it's one that Sen. Barack Obama already seems to have taken to heart - for example, this week releasing dozens of pages of pointed rebuttals to the allegations contained in the latest "swift book" attack, "The Obama Nation."

Interviewing Michael Dukakis is a package deal. You get Kitty Dukakis, too, and it's fascinating to watch the inseparable former first couple of Massachusetts sit side by side, finish each other's sentences, interrupt one another at will, and lean close to one another when the questions get tough.

There was no more emotional moment during the discussion of 1988 than when the topic turned to the Obamas, Barack and Michelle. Ask Kitty Dukakis about Michelle Obama and she gushes with praise and then her voice wavers with emotion.

It is, her husband explains, a sort of flashback to those tough days in 1988 when Republicans went after his would-be first lady. A sitting Republican senator publicly claimed that Kitty Dukakis had once burned an American flag at a protest - a rumor that spread far and wide, even without the Internet and even without a shred of evidence offered.

Michael and Kitty Dukakis are rooting against the attack machine this year. They sound as excited about the 2008 convention as they were about the one in 1988. They're about to fly to California, pick up the grandkids and then take a train back to Denver for a triumphant, old-school arrival at the Democratic National Convention - as if we're back in 1908.

Obama has filled them with hope - hope that this time, unlike 1988, the attacks won't go unanswered.

"And you can see already, not a day goes by when any attack from the McCain campaign is not answered, either by the candidate or somebody else," Dukakis told us. "In point of fact, Obama has been a very feisty post-primary candidate, if I can use that term. And he has got to be. Whether or not people get tired of this stuff, on both sides, by the time this is over is a good question. But nobody will make that mistake again. And unfortunately, I made it."

Today we present chapter five of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 5 of 10
Walter Mondale, San Francisco 1980

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Mondale interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1984 chapter.

* * *

I was in high school, still a few months too young to vote, in that year that George Orwell warned us about:

1984

But as a budding political junkie, I followed that year's presidential election as closely as I watched the baseball pennant race that year. (That's saying a lot, considering my beloved Chicago Cubs were making a rare appearance in the playoffs. Go Ryno!)

My high school history teacher, H.C. Dennis, spurred my enthusiasm the previous fall, sharing the weekly candidate profiles from the Washington Post magazine. I ate up every word and became convinced that Sen. John Glenn, the former astronaut, would be unstoppable.

As the primaries went on, my friend, Steve, and most of the other high school kids who were paying attention - and there weren't many of them - were rooting for the young upstart in the race, Sen. Gary Hart of Colorado.

But that wasn't to be.

Instead, Democrats settled on what now seems like an obvious front-runner, former Vice President Walter Mondale.

I remember everything about the general election campaign - Mondale's San Francisco convention, President Reagan's re-nomination in Dallas, the gloriously abstract "Bear in the Woods" ad that left viewers with the impression that Mondale would literally be eaten by the Soviet Union's mascot.

I remember, right up to the end, thinking that this titanic struggle would go down to the wire. It would be a real nail biter. I never imagined it would be an historic blowout.

But that thought had crossed Mondale's mind.

People remember their first presidential elections. I know that because of how many people with touches of gray hair have come up to me to add details to the earlier chapters in this series on McGovern v. Nixon and others.

For me, that 1984 contest was the start of a political observer career. So it meant a lot to me that the former Vice President would sit down with us for more than an hour - looking exactly the same as he had way back when - and explain the big, bold things he had to try because he knew this was an uphill battle, to put it mildly.

I learned a lot from that chat in Minneapolis, and if you read the full chapter you might, too.

And I also got to confess something to one of the larger-than-life figures of my youth.

As I told Mondale, I was so upset that my birth date left me still too young to vote that, what the heck, I decided to register to vote anyway. The state of New Mexico sent me a voter registration card and everything. But as the election approached, I chickened-out, fearing I would be convicted of voter fraud and spend the rest of my life in jail.

I never told Mondale how the 17-year-old me might have voted. But he flashed me a real wide smile, as if that was all that was standing between him and the White House.

"Thanks for trying," he said.

(See the full transcript for the rest of the story.)

Today we present chapter four of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 4 of 10
Bob Shrum on Ted Kennedy, New York 1980

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Shrum interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1980 chapter.

* * *

For much of this spring, it looked as if Democrats might repeat some painful history from 1980.

As the rivalry between Sen. Barack Obama and Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton grew increasingly bitter, pundits couldn't help but draw comparisons between 2008 and 1980, when Sen. Ted Kennedy took his challenge of incumbent President Jimmy Carter all the way to the floor of the convention.

While the days of "malaise" might have made it tough for Democrats to hold the White House in any case, the struggles to present a semblance of party unity at that year's convention certainly didn't help Carter.

And so, in 2008, as Clinton's supporters pushed her to take the fight all the way to "Denver! Denver! Denver!" it seemed folks might need a reminder of that titanic battle 28 years earlier:

Carter v. Kennedy at Madison Square Garden.

But by the early summer, that didn't seem to be the real story.

In late spring, the Rocky Mountain News team began communicating with Sen. Kennedy's representative.

Would we ask about 1980? He never granted interviews about that.

Well, that topic had crossed our minds. In general, we'd want to know what advice he had for Democrats heading into the Denver convention.

Somewhat to our surprise, Sen. Kennedy's representative was encouraging and we began talking about travel arrangements for at least a brief, sit-down interview. But then, everything changed.

Sen. Kennedy collapsed at his home, was rushed to a hospital, and would soon be diagnosed with a brain tumor.

In that instant, the nation seemed to set aside the more painful memories of 1980 and begin reflecting on the larger legacy of one of Capitol Hill's most legendary figures.

We never bothered the Senator's staff again.

Instead, we turned to another legendary - and controversial - figure in Democratic circles, Kennedy's former aide and speech writer, Bob Shrum, to explain that 1980 convention and how it fit into the larger picture.

Shrum paid us a visit at Scripps Howard News Service offices a few blocks from the White House. For an hour, sipping coffee, he gave us a highly-animated account of that 1980 contest.

He walked us through some of the rough patches, the comical moments and the awkward choreography at the convention when his old boss - finally -- agreed to acknowledge Carter's "victory here."

Shrum walked us through the evolution of Kennedy's famous "concession" speech, when he made it clear that there were some principles that he would never surrender.

And, growing emotional at times, Shrum made a case that the final words in Kennedy's famous speech are as relevant today as they were when they were delivered.

"For all those whose cares have been our concern, the work goes on, the cause endures, the hope still lives, and the dream shall never die."

Today we present chapter three of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 3 of 10
Dr. Thomas Freeman on his student, Barbara Jordan, New York 1976

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Freeman interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1976 chapter.

* * *

There are many ways we could have approached the 1976 chapter.

We could have made a trip to Plains, Ga., looked up an old peanut farmer and asked him what went right and what went wrong at the Democratic National Convention that helped turn him into President Jimmy Carter.

But in 2008, as the party was preparing to nominate the son of a Kenyan father to be its presidential candidate, there was a bigger question to answer.

Now, finally, is the country ready for someone other than a white male to lead the nation?

It's a question I wished I could have asked one of the keynote speakers at that 1976 Democratic National Convention: the late Rep. Barbara Jordan.

She was a force of nature, African-American daughter of the segregated south who ignored most of the other barriers in her life - racism, sexism, a physical handicap - and became a powerful voice of reconciliation in the awkward interregnum following the Vietnam War, Watergate and the toughest times of the civil rights struggle.

She burst onto the national scene during the House Judiciary Committee's Watergate investigation. And at the Democratic National Convention at Madison Square Garden, she gave an address that's still considered one of the most powerful keynotes in the history of American political discourse.

After the speech, she was flooded with fan mail that now sits mostly ignored in the archives at her undergraduate alma mater, Texas Southern University. Letters poured in from every corner of the nation.

Imagine my surprise when I found a post card from a Pennsylvania teenager named Marc Holtzman, who would later run for Colorado governor as a Republican. I bolted out of the library and placed a call to Holtzman and left a message asking if he had ever lived at such and such an address.

He quickly called back from an overseas trip to Europe, and he was stunned to hear the reason. Oh, yes, he said excitedly. That speech, that voice, that woman had made such a powerful impression on him. It was "a political awakening" for Holtzman, and he wanted to be just like her, he said. (Well, a Reagan-Republican version anyway...)

So many people wrote to Jordan, urging her to run for president, wondering why Jimmy Carter hadn't selected her as his running mate.

And she replied to every one of them with variations of a grim assessment of where the country was in 1976 - and where she knew someone like her could not go. Not quite yet.

"While I respect Governor Carter's sensitivity to the needs of blacks and women, I do not feel that the country is ready to accept a woman in the second highest office in the land," Jordan wrote to one letter-writer.

To another, she stressed the country not being ready for a black person in such a high position of leadership.

But each time she included a bit of hope, too. "However, when that time does come, I plan to be ready..."

Jordan's political career - and her life - ended before that day came.

So we turned to one of the more influential figures in her life, Dr. Thomas Freeman, a debate coach so legendary that the actor Denzel Washington studied his moves before a role in the movie, "The Great Debaters."

Freeman is 88 years old. He insisted that we check his still-valid driver's license. But he still works in his office seven days a week, is super-charged with energy and infuses each conversation with all the dramatic flair of his look-alike, the late entertainer Cab Calloway.

He walked us through his four years training Barbara Jordan to become one of the country's great orators. He spoke of the obstacles she had to overcome.

And then we got to the big question. If she were around today, what would she say?

Is the country ready yet?

At this point, Dr. Freeman's voice rose in volume, then abruptly dipped to a whisper as he pointedly leaned forward and looked into the eyes of the white journalist who had asked the question.

"We made progress up to the '70s, but so much more progress needs to be made to get America ready. Because the very question that is being raised . . . There would be no reason for the question if we were ready. Nobody would ask, 'Are we ready?' We would just move along."

The lesson of this chapter is, well, inconclusive. Because Barbara Jordan isn't around to give us any more clues. And the voters haven't answered the question yet either.

Today we present chapter two of the Rocky Mountain News' "Unconventional Wisdom" series, featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 2 of 10
George McGovern, Miami 1972

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the McGovern interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1972 chapter.

* * *

This might sound funny, but our long drive to Mitchell, S.D., was one of the absolute highlights of the cross-country travel for me.

I'm not just saying that because we got to kill time at the world famous Corn Palace while waiting to meet 1972 presidential contender George McGovern inside the library that bears his name.

Whatever you thought of the election results in 1972, the year represented a high water mark in a brand of up-close, experimental journalism that produced collections like Hunter S. Thompson's "Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail '72," Timothy Crouse's master work "Boys on the Bus," and a lesser-known favorite of mine about the '72 conventions, Norman Mailer's scattered and quite vulgar "St. George & the Godfather."

There were so many things I wanted to ask McGovern, the octogenarian who, perhaps more than any other Democrat today, defines the term "party elder."

There was, of course, the botched vice presidential selection - when he was forced to replace Thomas Eagleton after revelations of his past mental health treatments. There was the confusing fight over proportional representation of the California delegation, and the drawn-out challenges that left McGovern's nomination in doubt well into the start of the convention. There was the giddy, almost comical spectacle of dozens of candidates being nominated for McGovern's running mate -- including third-place finisher Sen. Mike Gravel. And there was the nominee's acceptance speech, delivered in the middle of the night while most of the television sets in America were turned off.

At his library office, seated next to a window that looks out toward his modest ranch home across the street, McGovern put all those events into the proper context, describing how one problem led to the next, then the next, until his defeat in the November election was all but sealed - right there at the convention.

He offered countless pieces of advice for Democrats heading into Denver. And, at a time when Sen. Barack Obama and Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton were still locked in what seemed like a never-ending battle to the finish, he offered the example of his own painful telephone call to an old friend, President Clinton, explaining why he was switching his endorsement from Clinton to Obama.

The race had gone on long enough, he said. It was time for party unity. And that was something he said might have prevented the domino effect from destroying his chances against President Richard Nixon in 1972.

The interview with this gracious, and still very sharp, elder statesman was everything I could have hoped for. And more.

If you read the full transcript, look for my personal highlight. In a playful section of the interview, he let me apologize for a decision at age 5. My grandparents were arguing about that election. Grandpa was for McGovern. Grandma was for Nixon. My sister said she was on my Grandpa's side. My Grandma turned to me. And what else could I say?

"Well, you can't alienate grandma," McGovern said, and then he launched into a story about his Republican parents and what he thought they might say today.

In short, I'll never forget our team's trip to Mitchell, S.D. And for the record, if you're passing through town and have 15 minutes to spare, the stop at the Corn Palace is not to be missed.

Today, the Rocky Mountain News begins "Unconventional Wisdom," a ten-part series featuring some notable characters of past Democratic National Conventions offering their advice for Sen. Barack Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and average voters watching at home.

To follow the entire series, bookmark this link HERE. And keep checking back.

Part 1 of 10
Tom Hayden, Chicago 1968

The story by M.E. Sprengelmeyer is HERE.

The video by Judy DeHaas is HERE.

The transcript of the Hayden interview is HERE.

Portraits are by Chris Schneider.

Below is a bit of the back story on the making of the 1968 chapter.

* * *

The first stop on our tour was an unassuming little office in Culver City, Calif., where we sought out '60s activist Tom Hayden to talk about the lessons of 1968.

He's a prolific writer, and his workspace is so crowded with memorabilia, books and photographs that it's like the (left) wing of an American history museum all cramped into a space the size of an old highway motel room.

We were there to talk about free speech and security issues, and his experiences organizing the anti-war protests that ended in what some still call a "police riot" in Chicago.

Although Hayden sees little chance of a repeat in Denver, he warns that hype and security clampdowns to prevent worst case scenarios can lead to confrontations that would not happen otherwise.

"Too much order creates disorder is the way I've always put it," Hayden said.

Hayden also offered an interesting story about what happened in 1996, when Democrats brought their convention back to Chicago, with Hayden as a delegate.

In 1996, Chicago Mayor Richard Daley wanted to do something to get past the bloody memories of 1968, when his late father was the mayor. But he wouldn't go along with Hayden's plan for a monument dedicated to the demonstrators who clashed with police in 1968.

"And the right wing of the Chicago Police Department went nuts," Hayden said. "They were handing out t-shirts: 'We kicked your dad's a-- in '68. And then kicked your a--.'"

The week of the convention, Hayden helped lead a memorial rally for the 1968 protesters. And there was a surprise appearance from the younger Mayor Daley.

"Unannounced, he walked out on the stage and he said, 'My name is Richard J. Daley. I am the Mayor of Chicago and I want to welcome you to Chicago,'" Hayden said. "People were like startled and they laughed, and then they applauded him. It was perfect for him. There was nothing to quote. No downside, and it was a very nice moment."

See the interview transcript for more.

Next stop: George McGovern's office in Mitchell, S.D.

CLICK HERE for some "Unconventional Wisdom."

Here it comes: Denver's party of a lifetime.

Before Sen. Barack Obama and friends arrive in the Mile High City for the Democratic National Convention, they might want to heed the lessons of the recent past.

Look back, and you see examples of how even the most carefully scripted party gathering can slip way off message.

You find big, bold initiatives or carefully-crafted speeches that simply fell flat.

Sometimes, the whole world is watching as intra-party squabbles or violent incidents leave the impression that a party can't even keep its own house in order.

Just ask some of the people who have been there, done that.

That's what the Rocky Mountain News did.

Over the next two weeks, we'll be presenting "Unconventional Wisdom," a ten-part series about some of the notable characters from 40 years' worth of Democratic National Conventions, and the advice they have for Obama, convention organizers, the city of Denver and the voters who will be watching at home.

Check www.RockyMountainNews.com each day for stories by M.E. Sprengelmeyer, portraits of key players by photographer Chris Schneider and videos by Judy DeHaas.

We'll also be presenting transcripts of all the key interviews -- and you'll find some enlightening, sometimes amusing asides sprinkled throughout.

Meanwhile, here at "Back Roads to the White House," we'll share some of the back stories that went into the making of the series.

I hope you enjoy it.

-- M.E.

The series starts on Monday, Aug. 11, in the print version of the Rocky Mountain News and runs each weekday through the start of the convention.

So much for Sen. Barack Obama's recent barnstorming through the Old Country.

He lost to Sen. John McCain in our simulated, head-to-head campaign for prime minister of "The Nations of Europa."

The fictional battle was waged by "Back Roads to the White House" using Ubisoft's "The Political Machine 2008" game -- a must-have for any political junkie who wants a little break from the real-life gamesmanship.

Sure, the game allows players to pick their favorite Democrats and Republicans (modern day or historic) to simulate the current U.S. presidential election.

You can even time travel back to the Civil War era to see how, say, Jimmy Carter might have fared against Rudy Giuliani. (Hint: be careful where you tout your support for higher tariffs.)

But with the real life Obama campaigning in places like Berlin and Paris, we thought we'd see how he'd fare against McCain in the game's politically-incorrect "Europa" mode.

The game starts with a clear red-nation, blue-nation divide. Anyone care to guess which way France leans?

The computer-aided McCain built a big lead by traveling from country to country bashing France.

Obama was forced to respond by also bashing France and questioning McCain's commitment to bashing France.

Obama placed ads "picking on France" and "America bashing."

That helped helped him regain the lead in Spain and make progress elsewhere in western Europe.

Oddly, the French-bashing went unnoticed in France.

Obama had built a headquarters in Paris and had a 3-1 lead in the polls there from start to finish.

Both candidates built up political capital to begin hiring sneaky operatives to fan out across the continent, undermining their opponent's credibility, boosting their own name identity, helping them with the all-important fundraising, etc.

By favoring a 10 hour work week, Obama picked up the endorsement of the "Lethargic Workers Union of Europa."

This was helpful in most of the continent, although it was an unpopular position in Poland and in another nation on the Europa map: Japan. (Apparently, the map was drawn by an American high school student.)

Obama made one gratuitous attack on McCain, claiming that he supported "cartoons of Mohamed." However, this actually helped McCain in some places.

Obama managed to win Sweden by favoring "pillaging," and he won Ireland by supporting "partying." But he couldn't make a dent in McCain's support in Germany, Italy and elsewhere.

As the campaign went on, it became a pure referendum on which candidate hated France more. In the end, Obama gained a slight edge on that issue. But it came at a price. All the attention took away from other topics that McCain dominated.

Obama and his running mate, Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, lost by a mere 17 electoral votes.

They might have won if they had made a couple more speeches in "Little Spain" (aka Portugal), and if they had taken a more forceful position on "getting offended," "surrendering" or supporting consumption of "chocolate."

Goofy features aside, the standard U.S.-map version of the game is a great way to learn about the Electoral College, the power of various states and the ways strategists must direct their messages and money to those places where they are truly the most competitive.

* * *

UPDATE: On the second try, a new strategy helped Obama beat McCain in Europa. But later, Republican Ron Paul was able to defeat Obama in Europa by employing a quite loud "America bashing" strategy.

Congratulations Prime Minister Paul.

Welcome back to the "Back Roads to the White House," which finally have led us back to home base here in Denver.

With the Democratic National Convention just around the corner, it's interesting that the candidate Coloradans see more than any other is Sen. John McCain.

He was here last week. He was here this week. He's expected back in two weeks.

Clearly, this once reliably "red" Republican bastion is no longer fly-over country.

And is that a good sign for Democrats?

We start the debate at RockyMountainNews.com today.

In theory, every minute McCain spends defending territory President Bush won in 2000 and 2004 means less time to take away a state Democrats Al Gore or John Kerry won in those years. And every minute Sen. Barack Obama spends defending once reliably-"blue" territory (like, say, the "M&Ms" of Michigan or Minnesota) is a good sign for McCain.

But this year, with Democrats banking so much on the West, analysts are split on whether Colorado is must-win territory for McCain, Obama or both.

HERE is today's story.

What do you think?

P.S. Watch this space. We're back in business.

By M.E. Sprengelmeyer
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NEWS

WASHINGTON - Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton's endorsement of Sen. Barack Obama drew a mix of applause and boos from her supporters here Saturday, hinting it will take more than one day and one speech to bring Democratic Party unity after the hard-fought presidential primaries.

Clinton was flanked by giant, stone pillars inside the atrium of the National Building Museum as she pledged to continue battling for issues like universal health care and an end to the war in Iraq.

"The way to continue our fight now, to accomplish the goals for which we stand, we should take our energy, our passion, our strength, and do all we can to help elect Barack Obama the next President of the United States," Clinton said.

The anticipated endorsement drew mostly applause.

But a consistent chorus of boos also echoed from the balconies and the back of the room, as some of Clinton's most passionate supporters are still bitter about the primaries, threatening to vote for Republican Sen. John McCain or stay home.

"I can't do a flip just like that," 85-year-old Jim Brooks of Washington, D.C., said shortly after the speech. "This woman is tremendous. She is a great woman. But Obama? How many mentors did he need before he became a man? I don't think he has reached that point yet."

In an overflow area in the back of the atrium, each time Clinton sounded a note of defiance, supporter Carol Reich, 59, pumped her fist in the air and cheered. But when Clinton repeatedly offered kind words for her former rival, Obama, Reich loudly booed her disapproval.

"Hillary really was the one who had the direction," Reich said after the speech, mocking Obama's "Change" mantra. "It's a five-letter word, but what's the direction?" she said.

Reich said she'd sooner vote for McCain than back Obama.

"In (McCain's) past record, he has been rather liberal. He has liberal qualities," Reich said. "Do I think he'd be another George Bush? Absolutely not."

After declining to concede the contest after the final primaries in South Dakota and Montana on Tuesday, Clinton's goal on Saturday was to bring a belated sense of party unity.

The crowd, including her supporters and a smattering of people in Obama t-shirts, had been subdued - hardly jubilant - during several hours waiting for Clinton's arrival. The standard campaign trail sound track, including a mix of pop songs, disco and rock tunes, blared over the sound system. But there was no dancing, not even much swaying, as one Bon Jovi song blared the chorus: "Who says you can't go home?"

When Clinton finally arrived the traditional one-hour behind schedule, she took the stage with her husband, former President Bill Clinton, and daughter Chelsea Clinton.

She started her speech with a shrug: "Well, this isn't exactly the party I planned, but I sure like the company."

At first she offered the crowd defiance, saying "my commitment to you and the progress we seek is unyielding."

She got some of her biggest cheers mentioning the 18 million people who voted for her - an allusion to her long-standing claim, disputed by Obama's counting methods, that she had gotten the most popular votes in the primaries.

Soon, however, she gave a standing-room-only crowd of journalists the news angle they had been expecting: an endorsement for Obama that means he can now stroll, rather than sprint, the 2 ½ months left before the Democratic National Convention in Denver.

She said he had run an "extraordinary" campaign, praised his rise from community organizer to presidential front-runner, and urged her supporters to get behind him.

"I ask all of you to join me in working as hard for Barack Obama as you have for me," she said, drawing the same mix of cheers and jeers.

Clinton seemed to be speaking directly to Obama skeptics in her fan base when she talked about how in the past forty years, Democrats had held the White House only three terms, including her husband's eight years in the 1990s.

"Just think how much more progress we could have made over the past 40 years if we had a Democratic president," Clinton said. "Think about the lost opportunities of these past seven years - on the environment and the economy, on health care and civil rights, on education, foreign policy and the Supreme Court."

Democratic Party leaders know they still have work to do to bring the party together after the long, sometimes bruising campaign. But Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., one of Clinton's earliest supporters, told reporters it was "a good day" for party unity.

"There was no hesitation, there was no bitterness. There was no anger," Schumer said. "There was sadness, but then there was just, 'Let's move forward for the good of the country.' So I felt very good about it."

He downplayed the boos from the back of the crowd.

"Well, you know, look. Hillary is telling her supporters, 'Gather behind the Obama banner.' Ninety-nine percent will," Schumer said. "There may be a few that are bitter. But what I have found in most of these campaigns, one good thing is Democrats do come together, because the difference between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama is not close to as great as the difference between either of them and John McCain. And we cannot afford another four years of Bush-like policies."

As she ended her historic campaign, Clinton set a new standard for women seeking the highest office in the land. She sounded another defiant note when referring to "barriers and biases," and the sexism that many of her supporters feel was rampant in media coverage of the contest.

Referring to the latest milestone for female astronauts, she said, "If we can blast 50 women into space, we will some day launch a woman into the White House."

But not this year. And some of her supporters said they were ready to follow Clinton's lead and work for the Democratic Party's man, Obama, in November.

"I know what we have to do," said Effie Laman of Texas. "Regardless of who the leader is, we've got to get in there for our common ideals."

All photos by M.E. Sprengelmeyer

* * *

It was a critical -- perhaps historic -- game of inside baseball Saturday at the Democratic National Committee's Rules and Bylaws Committee meeting in Washington, D.C.

Click HERE for the full-story from www.RockyMountainNews.com.

The results -- restoring Florida and Michigan's delegations to the Democratic National Convention in Denver, but with 50 percent voting rights -- was billed as a compromise. It gave Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton a net gain of 24 delegate votes over Sen. Barack Obama, still leaving him on the verge of clinching the presidential nomination.

But the emotional festivities ended with a lot of anger for many Clinton supporters who wanted the full delegations restored -- with a much bigger net gain for their candidate. As the event drew to a close, they jeered, heckled and hollered "Denver! Denver! Denver!" and threatened to take their protests all the way to the Pepsi Center in August.

Will that happen? If Obama reaches the (new) magic number of 2,118 delegates shortly after this week's final primaries in South Dakota and Montana, how far will Clinton push the fight?

We raise the questions, but can't yet answer all of them, HERE.

In the meantime, check out some of the sights from the cheap seats at an event that's likely to be mentioned in political science text books years from now.

Debra Foster, 63, a school teacher from Long Island, N.Y., said she was bruised by the grip of a security guard who yanked her out of the hotel ballroom as she was jeering the committee's decision by shouting "Denver! Denver! Denver!"

"I was chanting, 'Denver!' because that is the next place" for a massive protest in August, she said. "We'll be chanting: 'Madam President, or else!'"

"I've been voting Democratic for 40 years, and I end up with a bruise and a really sad heart, that I don't recognize my party anymore," Foster said, crying.

Rules and Bylaws Committee co-chairs Jim Roosevelt and Alexis Herman face the press and defend the decisions on Michigan and Florida, saying it gives both states a chance to participate in the historic election and gives the Clinton and Obama campaigns clarity, putting Democrats back on track for party unity.

And yet, the last protesters standing in the darkness outside the hotel, are not yet convinced.

All photos by M.E. Sprengelmeyer.

(BELOW IS HOW WE LIVE-BLOGGED THE EVENTS IN REAL TIME, STARTING AT 9 A.M. SATUDAY, MAY 31. The full, late-edition story, with the outcome, is HERE.)

Protesters greeted members of the Democratic Party's Rules and Bylaws Committee this morning as they took up the touchy question of whether -- and how -- to seat Michigan and Florida delegations at this summer's Democratic National Convention in Denver.

Resolving the question is one of the last remaining speed bumps on the long, long road to the Democratic presidential nomination.

The two states were stripped of their delegates after they moved up their primaries in violation of party rules. But in a marathon meeting today, the "RBC" is hoping to resolve outstanding challenges from both states, seating at least a portion of voting members from both states.

Backers of Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, who won the uncontested primaries in both states, are asking that full delegations from both states be seated in Denver. Sen. Barack Obama did not actively campaign in Florida and was not on the ballot in Michigan, so his backers are hoping for a result that seats a portion of the delegates, and roughly equally between the two remaining campaigns.

Watch this site for developments through the day.

* * *

Co-chairs of the Rules and Bylaws Committee, Alexis Herman and Jim Roosevelt began by joking about the unprecedented attention the arcane committee was getting -- including live, gavel-to-gavel coverage on some cable television networks.

"We definitely have a quorum," Roosevelt said to a packed ballroom at the Marriott Wardman Park hotel in Washington, D.C.

The audience included party insiders from coast-to-coast, including various Florida and Michigan lawmakers, and party leaders from Iowa -- which was forced to move up the date of its traditional kick-off caucuses to preserve its first-in-the-nation status.

In an opening speech, Democratic National Committee Chairman Howard Dean called for party unity and a cordial event, saying the party has shown with unprecedented turnout in this year's primaries that it is strong enough to survive the dispute.

He also lashed out at the national media several times, calling for an end to "blatant sexist comments" and racial overtones that have marked the ongoing primaries, which will result in the party nominating the first female or African-American candidate.

"That will stop," Dean said. "We need to come together and unite this party."

* * *

Before the committee took up the Florida challenge, Herman reminded the audience why the committee stripped the two states of all their convention delegates for the calendar move.

Tradionally, Iowa has held the nation's first caucus and New Hampshire has held the first primary election. In 2006, the committee decided to add geographic, ethnic and economic diversity to the calendar by allowing two more states - Nevada and South Carolina - to the early line-up.

But Florida and Michigan were among a number of states that threatened to leap ahead of the date when they were allowed to hold contests - Feb. 5 or later.

The party's rules automatically called for the states to lose half of their delegates, Herman said, but late last year the rules committee decided to impose a 100 percent sanction.

"We needed to send a very strong signal in order to prevent additional states from moving forward," Herman said.

* * *

DNC committee member Jon Ausman filed the challenge asking to restore all of Florida's super-delegates and half of the pledged delegates.

He said the state already had been punished enough, by having the candidates shun the state during the most closely-watched presidential contest in recent history.

Sen. Bill Nelson, D-Fla., a Clinton supporter representing for the Florida Democratic Party, was more blunt, arguing that Florida's voters would be disenfranchised if the committee did not restore all of the state's delegates to the Denver convention.

"We must uphold a sacred principle, and that is the principle of one person, one vote," Nelson said, echoing the sentiment of sign-waving picketers on the streets outside the hotel.

Nelson blamed Florida's Republican-controlled legislature and Republican governor for moving the primary date, and said average Democratic voters should not be punished as a result.

"These voters violated no rule. They committed no crime," Nelson said.

* * *

State Sen. Arthenia Joyner argued Clinton's side of the case, comparing it to past fights for Civil Rights or against the Apartheid system in South Africa.

"Today I am fighting for the right of Florida Democrats to have their voices heard," Joyner said.

She said Florida's Democratic lawmakers had no choice but to approve the change in voting dates because it was attached to election reform legislation that included a mandate for a verifiable paper trail from voting machines.

Joyner said she doesn't take the party's rules lightly. But she said democracy is supposed to be "of the people, by the people and for the people."

"Right now, as it applies to Florida, we are missing the people," Joyner said, drawing applause from Clinton backers scattered in the crowd.

* * *

Rep. Robert Wexler, D-Fla., argued Obama's position - that Florida's delegates should be restored with half voting rights, and Clinton be given a 19-vote net gain in the delegates allocated. (He said that would equal the combined total of what Clinton gained by winning both Ohio and Pennsylvania.)

"The Obama campaign supports a resolution today that will allow the DNC to preserve its nominating process and at the same time enable Democrats in Florida to participate in choosing our party's nominee," Wexler said.

He got a mix of applause and a few hisses from the divided audience when he called that a "concession" or "compromise."

The result would leave Obama with a larger lead in total delegates, putting him on track to clinch the nomination as early as Tuesday, when the final primaries are held.

Wexler said Florida Democrats were asking for the right to help unify the party.

"Let us unify," Wexler said.

Wexler was asked if the Obama campaign would support the proposal to restore 100 percent of Florida's delegates. He declined to state a position, drawing some jeers from the audience.

* * *

The Michigan Democratic Party petitioned to restore 100 percent of its delegates, giving Clinton a net gain of 10 delegates over Obama. Since Obama was not on the ballot, the party based its delegate projections based on a combination of actual results, exit polls and an estimate about the 30,000 write-in votes that were cast.

Committee member Donald Fowler ridiculed that methodology: "If we could do that, John Kerry would be president of the United States."

The Clinton and Obama campaigns disagree on how to allocate 128 delegates from Michigan. Clinton wants 73 delegates, with another 55 assigned as "uncommitted." And Obama seeks an equal split. (NOTE: An earlier version misstated the Clinton proposal.)

But either way, both campaigns agree that Michigan's full delegation should be seated, said Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich.

"The Democratic Party needs unity in the middle of this contentious battle between two strong candidates," Levin said. "The Mighigan Democratic Party has achieved unity. We're asking you to preserve it."

Levin took repeated swipes at the "perpetual privilege" status of Iowa and New Hampshire to begin the presidential nominating season, year after year.

He said the proposed solution split the difference between what the Clinton and Obama campaigns wanted, giving Clinton a 69-59 advantage

"It's the best we can do, folks," Levin said, calling it "a fair reflection of a flawed primary."

* * *

By the end of the later deliberations, it became clear that neither the Obama nor Clinton campaigns was happy with the delegate allocations in the Michigan Democratic Party proposal.

Former Rep. David Bonior, who once led former Sen. John Edwards' campaign, said Obama deserved an equal share of Michigan's delegates. Former Michigan Gov. Jim Blanchard, a Clinton backer, said Clinton deserved 73 delegates, with another 55 assigned as "uncommitted".

Blanchard said the problem was not the election itself, but the decisions by Obama and other candidates to take their names off the ballot.

"It doesn't make the election flawed," Blanchard said. "They had, in my opinion, a flawed strategy."

* * *

Blanchard raised eyebrows with one late aside about the delegate counting process.

"By August, some may be switching back and forth. You never know," Blanchard said.

Many audience members went "oooh," because it hinted at a possible floor fight at the convention in Denver.

"I was referring to super-delegates on that one," Blanchard quickly added.

* * *

As Democrats prepare to decide the fate of the Michigan and Florida delegations on Saturday in Washington, D.C., it's important to remember a little of the behind-the-scenes drama that unfolded as candidates decided whether to take their names off the Michigan ballot.

On Oct. 11, 2007, Iowa blogger Lynda Waddington of the "Essential Estrogen" site had a nice scoop on part of the soap opera -- claims that Sen. Barack Obama's campaign was urging other candidates to pull out of the Michigan contest to diminish any benefit Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton hoped to win.

You can find the links HERE.

As Waddington wrote at the time:

"Five individuals connected to five different campaigns have confirmed -- but only under condition of anonymity -- that the situation that developed in connection with the Michigan ballot is not at all as it appears on the surface. The campaign for Illinois Sen. Barack Obama, arguably fearing a poor showing in Michigan, reached out to the others with a desire of leaving New York Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton as the the only candidate on the ballot. The hope was that such a move would provide one more political obstacle for the Clinton campaign to overcome in Iowa."

"Despite speaking in confidence, sources were quick to point out that the discussions were not the final deciding factor when candidates' names were removed from the ballot."

"'Yes, such discussion did take place,' said one national staffer, 'but that doesn't mean we were influenced by it. The decision to pull from the Michigan ballot -- or other renegade states' ballots for that matter -- was made the day we signed the pledge with the four early states.'"

All these months later, as the fate of Michigan is decided, it would be nice to hear from some of the insiders involved in this tale.

There's a sign of the times at a political souvenir shop in Annapolis, Md.

Most of the merchandise for (and against) Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton has been marked down to half price.

A store clerk informs us that the markdowns were ordered by some soothsayer in the corporate office.